HOW COULD THE ANC ALLOW ANOTHER SHARPEVILLE TO HAPPEN?
By CAMERON DUODU
It has joined the names of the other South African localities that make you shudder when you hear them; names like Sharpeville, Langa and Nyanga.
And the date won’t be forgotten, either – Marikana: 16th August 2012; just like Soweto: 16th June 1976.
Bloodshed in each case. Bloodshed by the South African police. The wanton killing of protesters by the police; protesters with legitimate concerns; protesters who were to join the ranks of the heroic victims of police brutality worldwide.
The question is, how could it be allowed to happen in the “new” South Africa?
And the answer is: quite easily. Modern societies are organised in such a way that protesters can become victims very quickly. Every modern police force in the world is equipped in a manner that gives it enormous firepower. Automatic weapons that can fire many rounds without needing to be reloaded. They do look awful, but few civilians are aware of their true deadliness.
One word, “Fire!” is all that is needed. Suddenly, a mob, no matter how disorderly or angry it looks, becomes a hapless mass of fallen figures, bleeding, twitching, rolling on the ground. There were 69 in Sharpeville; 34 at Marikana. They were the husbands of instantly-widowed wives; the fathers of newly-orphaned children, the colleagues of poor workers reduced into saying, for the rest of their lives, “There but for the grace of God lay I.” The ANC, knowing the background of the South African police, from the evil days of apartheid, should have used the past 18 years to retrain the police so that they would never be in a position to react like the apartheid police did at Sharpeville.
The recent massacre ocurred at a platinum mine owned by Lonmin, the company once known as “Lonrho”. Ghanaians are very much aware of the name of this company – it once ran Ashanti Goldfields at Obuasi. It didn’t have a very good name in Ghana, nor did it have one in Britain, where it was based. One British Prime Minister, Edward Heath, described it as “the ugly face of capitalism.” It has changed its name from Lonrho to Lonmin. But it has not changed the way it works – secure profit at all costs, and always make sure you have people in the government who are on your side, especially if you operate in an African country where this can be done without your people in government being made accountable for what they do for you.
Lonmin in South Africa has on its board, one of the most illustrious names in the struggle to achieve equality for the black population and therefore a powerful man in current politics – Cyril Ramaphosa, once General Secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM.) This Union was one of the most powerful within COSATU – the Confederation of South African Trade Unions. COSATU is an integral part of the African National Congress (ANC) which won freedom for South Africa and began to rule the country after winning the election of 1994. Three years before majority rule occurred in South Africa, Ramaphosa had left the NUM to become the Secretary-General of the ANC.
It had been expected that Cyril Ramaphosa – who, with ex-President Thabo Mbeki and others, negotiated the transfer of power from the National Party of white Afrikaners to the ANC — would become one of the leading members of the first black Cabinet formed by President Nelson Mandela. But Mr Ramaphosa chose to go into business instead. And he currently controls or sits on the boards of a number of very important enterprises, one of which happens to be Lonmin.
Mr Ramaphosa and a few other business-enthralled leaders of the ANC are blamed for the inability of the ANC to remain true to its original objective of transforming South Africa from a country ruled by a white elite who live luxurious lives on the backs of a huge, poorly-paid work-force. Indeed, since obtaining power, the ANC has largely preserved the system of allowing a few people at the top to enjoy riches based on the low wages of the huge populace below them. They seem happy just because a few blacks have joined the rich people at the top. Above all, the ANC has failed dismally to provide adequate housing as well as amenities like pipe-borne water, electricity and toilets to the majority of the people. In other words, the ANC, once a socialist party with high ideals, has become just another ruling party in Africa, whose primary concerns are how to use state power to enrich its leaders and which ignores the needs of the populace. In the meantime, it pretends, like all of them, to care for the people — by unleashing a torrent of rhetoric, aimed at promoting a ‘spin’ — in aid of the ‘betterment’ of life for all. Just as the apartheid regime used to tell the world that life in the Bantustans wasn’t so bad for the blacks.
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/8e498a8a-ef63-11e1-9580-00144feabdc0.html#axzz24gNOhs8K
Well, on 16th August 2012, ANC ‘spin’ ran into the reality of mine life; the horrible existence eked out by thousands of workers in the mining compounds of South Africa. Lonmin’s workers at Marikana, Rustenburg, have been divided into two unions: because the NUM branch there has been perceived by some of its old members to have too cosy a relationship with the management. The new union, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) demanded that those of its its members who do the most bak-breaking work — those operate as ‘rock drillers’ at the mine — should be paid a wage that is about three times the current wage being paid to them. As could be expected, the NUM did not support such a huge increase in pay. The AMCU members embarked on a “illegal strike” to back their demands. The NUM members did not join in, of course.
Put that scenario on a mine compound where feelings always run high, and you have death waiting at the door. The police, in a desire to disperse angry strikers, put themselves in a position where, at one stage, they probably had a genuine fear they could be attacked.They opened fire. And 34 died, with nearly 80 injured. It was a terrible example of inefficient, panicky policing. What exactly happened is still being debated by the |South African media, some of whose representatives have been accused of seeing the event from the skewed point of view of the police.
Indeed, against all common sense, and contrary to any modicum of political intelligence, the police have charged many of the surviving miners with ‘murder’ — the ‘murder’ of their own comrades who were shot in cold blood before their very eyes by the police!
http://constitutionallyspeaking.co.za/marikana-no-common-purpose-to-commit-suicide/
The journalists accused of seeing things from the point of view of the police did so because they were — as some have admitted — “embedded” behind police lines. (See links below)
http://dailymaverick.co.za/article/2012-08-24-marikana-the-matter-of-embedded-journalism
A reporter who went to the scene of the shooting described it thus:
“Bloodied pieces of clothing litter the ground and surrounding bushes, and fresh yellow paint marked where dead bodies were strewn across the area, while blood stains can be seen on rocks and grass. An empty teargas canister could be seen close to one of the yellow paint markings and nearby a spent flare was being played with by a group of children from Marikana.
[One youth] said: Marikana residents were shocked by what they deemed a brutal crackdown by government on workers. ‘The government is under the ANC so it’s the ANC that killed those people,’ he added.
“[A miner] said: ‘They don’t care about us. The Government is looking after the mine, that’s why the police are here. More people will die but nothing will happen'”.
Politicians opposed to President Zuma are using the massacre as a stick to beat him and also to beat Cyril Ramaphosa. Addressing the miners, Julius Malema, the former leader of the ANC Youth League, who has been expelled from the mother body ANC, called for the resignation of President Zuma and Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa.
“Lonmin had a high political connection that is why our people were killed. They were killed to protect the shares of Cyril Ramaphosa,” he said.
(See Cartoon depicting Malema’s “opportunism” below)
http://mg.co.za/cartoon/2012-08-21-malema/
Meanwhile, President Zuma has announced the appointment of an inter-ministerial committee to be led by Minister in the Presidency, Mr Collins Chabane, to investigate the trouble.
So predictable!
http://www.timeslive.co.z//thetimes/2012/08/30/arrest-marikana-killer-cops-miners-demand
We haven’t heard the last of this fracas, I tell you.
UPDATE:“POLICE HAD THE INTENTION OF OPENING FIRE AT MARIKANA”:
UPDATES: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-19388584
http://www.timeslive.co.za/thetimes/2012/08/27/zuma-loses-out-in-or-tambo-region
SOUTH AFRICA, A SOCIETY AT WAR WITH ITSELF read article from the Daily Maverick:
SOUTH AFRICAN MINES: Read a background article from the London Economist magazine:
http://www.economist.com/node/21560903
MINERS WERE “SHOT IN THE BACK” (London Daily Telegraph):
Striking South African miners ‘were shot in the back’
Striking miners shot dead by police at South Africa’s Lonmin mine were reportedly hit in the back suggesting they were fleeing rather than attacking.
By Aislinn Laing, Johannesburg
4:55PM BST 27 Aug 2012
Post-mortem examinations revealed that most of the 34 victims of the police action on August 16 were shot in the back while a smaller number were shot while facing forward, Johannesburg’s Star newspaper reported citing sources close to the investigation.
If proved correct, the leaked results could contradict police claims that they only opened fire after being fired upon.
Those working to keep the peace in the northwestern town of Marikana, where the Lonmin platinum mine is situated, said they feared that the report could inflame tensions further in the still febrile atmosphere.
Over 150 complaints have been filed with the Independent Police Investigative Directorate over the alleged torture and assault in police custody of miners who were arrested following the violence.
On Monday, London-listed Lonmin said that just 13 per cent of its 28,000 workers arrived for their shifts, following intimidation of bus drivers and other workers by groups of men issuing threats of “repercussions” if they clocked in.
The company is now relying on a “peace accord” meeting planned for Wednesday with the unions, brokered by the Department of Labour. “Everyone must buy into the peace accord before any discussions on issues such as wages can take place,” said Sue Vey, a Lonmin spokesman.
Around 3,000 specialist rock-drillers are on strike, backed by the militant Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu), pushing for a massive wage increase.
The strike began on August 10 and saw 10 killed – including two police officers and mine security staff – within days. On August 16, following fruitless attempts to control the crowd with tear gas, barbed wire and water canons, police hit back in a three-minute live fire barrage that constituted the deadliest force used since the end of apartheid in 1994.
In a press conference shortly after the incident, General Riah Phiyega, the national police commissioner, said she authorised the use of live ammunition because she was told police had come under attack from the striking workers.
“The militant group stormed towards the police firing shots and wielding dangerous weapons,” she said.
The government confirmed on Friday that post-mortems conducted by state pathologists and verified by independent private pathologists had been completed.
But it remains unclear who has seen the results of the examinations. Harold Maloka, a spokesman for the Inter-Ministerial Committee set up by government to handle the crisis, said they would be released as part of the public inquiry into what happened, which is due to report back in four months.
The Star newspaper claimed it had spoken to several sources close to the investigation and with knowledge of the results.
“The post-mortem reports indicate that most of the people were fleeing from the police when they got killed,” it quoted one unnamed source as saying.
“A lot of them were shot in the back and the bullets exited through their chests. Only a few people were found to be shot from the front.”
Zweli Mnisi, spokesman for Police Minister Nathi Mehethwa, condemned the report as “irresponsible”.
“Before the public know these results, the families must first know and not read about it in the newspapers,” he said. “We call on all parties to exercise cautions – these are people’s lives we are talking about.”
Kevin Dowling, the bishop of nearby Rustenburg who is among a large contingent of churchmen working in Marikana, called for clear leadership from the mine managers, unions, politicians and mediators to prevent further violence.
“Unless there is proactive action by all stakeholders to influence the situation positively and stabilise it, there could be more outbreaks of unrest when rumours go round and news like this gets out,” he said.
“There is still a lot of very deep emotion in operation here and this just may inflame emotions higher.”
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CONDITIONS IN A SOUTH AFRICAN MINE (from The Financial Times, London)
FT August 28, 2012 5:59 pm
S Africa miners brave dangers for work
By Andrew England in Carletonville
©CorbisConditions in South Africa’s mines have improved since the end of apartheid but safety standards vary
Sitting on a rock, Langa, a veteran gold miner, whiles away the time chatting to colleagues before his shift begins deep beneath the earth’s surface.
In a few hours he will pull on a pair of overalls, don a hard hat, with the ubiquitous miner’s lamp on top, and strap a belt holding emergency breathing equipment, as well as the lamp’s battery, around his waist. He will check he has safety goggles and gloves, before clambering into metal cage-like lifts that plunge rapidly down the mine’s shaft.
More
On this story:
- Unions turn Marikana to political ends
- S Africa probes abuse of miners in custody
- Jay Naidoo A wake up call for South Africa’s Armani elitists
- South Africa A mine of contention
- Lonmin names acting chief as it battles with strike fallout
On this topic
- Marikana miners charged with murder
- S Africa mine strike victims remembered
- Alec Russell Cry the beloved country no more
- S African miners defiant over demands
IN Africa
There Langa, 53, will work through the night in hot, dusty conditions as a “loader driver” – loading locomotive wagons with ore blasted from the rock face. “We are working hard, working long (hours),” he says.
Langa is one of some 500,000 people employed in South Africa’s mining sector, which boasts an abundance of mineral wealth but has a history of violence and exploitation stretching back nearly 150 years. In the past two weeks, a strike marred by violence at the Marikana platinum mine complex operated by Lonmin, the London-listed company, in which 44 people have been killed, has put the spotlight on the harsh conditions mineworkers face.
Langa plies his trade far from Marikana in a gold mine at Blyvooruitzicht, near Carletonville, which was taken over in June by Village Main Reef, a Johannesburg Stock Exchange-listed company. But the work done by platinum and gold miners is similar.
Shafts tend to be deep – South Africa has the world’s deepest mines with one gold shaft dropping 4km – and at the rock face drill operators pound holes into the seams in dark, dirty and hot conditions. Others then place explosives in the holes and the blasting begins. The ore is then ferried away by small locomotives that chug through gloomily lit tunnels.
At Marikana, it was rock drill operators – who have the most dangerous and physically challenging jobs – who downed tools to demand higher wages. The industrial unrest has so far been contained to the platinum sector, where a newish union, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union is challenging the dominance of the National Union of Mineworkers.
Gold companies mainly negotiate with unions through collective bargaining and it is hoped that will reduce the risks of a similar dispute in the sector. But Langa says: “People are talking now about Marikana . . . They are angry because we need money.”
Langa says he takes home R3,500 ($416) a month, although miners’ wage packages are complex, involving various benefits and bonuses that can lift basic levels. The Chamber of Mines says the entry level basic monthly salary in gold is R4,840, which rises to a basic of R5,700 for rock drill operators – excluding benefits and bonuses – similar to the platinum sector. The striking rock drill operators at Lonmin want a salary of R12,500 a month.
Miners’ living conditions have improved since apartheid ended but this varies from mine to mine and most agree that much more needs to be done.
Away from the mine, Langa shares a room with seven others in a company-run two-storey hostel. A living quarter shown to the Financial Times was a scruffy single room semi-divided by a wall, each side of which hosted four steel bunk beds. Village Main Reef said it was reviewing all human resources, policies and procedures, including employee remuneration and accommodation.
The companies are supposed to provide a single room for miners using their accommodation by 2014 under an industry charter. Larger companies, such as AngloGold Ashanti and Gold Fields, are spending hundreds of millions of rand to improve facilities. But Village Main Reef said the Mining Charter targets were not affordable for the Blyvoor operation, so it will “follow an alternative route.”
And thousands of miners choose to take a “living out allowance” to supplement their incomes. They live outside company housing in squatter camps of tin shacks lacking water and sanitation, their families far away in their home areas. Many miners in Marikana live in such shanties, with a rubbish-strewn informal settlement, a stone’s throw from where police shot and killed 34 platinum strikers on August 16.
“They [the mining companies] only care about our power, they don’t give a damn about us,” said Xolile Dangala, a miner at Lonmin, who lives in the squatter camp. “When it rains I have to wear [the] gumboots we wear underground,” he said, referring to the squalid conditions at the settlement.
While mining safety records have improved, it remains a dangerous trade, with the risks greatest in gold and platinum. There were 123 fatalities in the industry last year, while before 1994 there were “no less than 500” a year, Susan Shabangu, the mining minister, has said. “When we are underground, we are faced with death, injury and everything,” said Joseph Tonjeni, a rock drill operator at Lonmin, who lives in an informal settlement near Marikana.
Still, in a country with rampant poverty and unemployment, where 40 per cent of the population live below a poverty line of R418 a month, mining remains a key source of jobs.
Like many miners before him, Mluleki, 23, Langa’s colleague, grew up in the Eastern Cape, one of South Africa’s poorer provinces, and failed his end of high school exam. He then followed in his father’s footsteps, heading to the mines about two and a half years ago “because we are suffering in the Eastern Cape – there’s no jobs, no money.”
“When you are drilling you are shaking – all your body is shaking,” Mluleki says. “I was scared before . . . what can I do because I need the money.”
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2012.
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August 23, 2012 6:52 pm
The Financial Times, London
Cry the beloved country no more
By Alec Russell
©APMiners have reason to be angry
When I first went to South Africa as a callow correspondent in the last year of white rule, veteran colleagues said that of the reams of agonised apartheid literature there were just two books I needed to read: Alan Paton’s Cry, The Beloved Country and Rian Malan’s My Traitor’s Heart. For the first time in many years I have found myself thinking of both books as the stark images from South Africa’s Lonmin mine massacre have played on television screens around the world.
My 1993 reading list spoke more to the preoccupations of western editors than to the travails of the Rainbow Nation. The first encapsulates the dilemmas and uncertainties of the white liberal. The second is a no-holds-barred, to be read with several glasses of brandy and coke, evisceration of Afrikaner angst and the country’s tortured racial politics. But both books have searing passages that remind the reader how the tortured narrative of South Africa over the past 140 years is woven around the saga of the excavation of some of the more lucrative – and inaccessible – mining seams in the world: first diamond, then gold and now increasingly platinum. The resilience of apartheid was founded on the gold mined each year from the Witwatersrand. It was also, as Paton and Malan show in very different ways, based on the labour of hundreds of thousands of migrant workers. The former addresses the nightmarish world of these young men separated from their families, living in fetid single-sex hostels. The latter recounts the murder of two policemen by striking miners whipped up by witch doctors and the frustrations of years.
If they read this far, old friends in the ANC will be clicking their teeth. One of the lazier syndromes in the international media of recent years has been the way that every political, social or economic drama of the post-apartheid era, from the rise of the firebrand Julius Malema to the fluctuations of the rand, has been presented abroad as an existential crisis. So, the sort of conflict of interest that in, say, India or Brazil is seen as irksome but not disastrous, is in the South African context routinely depicted as a step on the road to Zimbabwe. How many reports in the British press of gruesome murders in Johannesburg have had “Cry the beloved country” in the headline?
Investors wondering what to make of the Lonmin tragedy should of course ignore the apocalyptic tone of some of the commentary. While the mining industry is indeed in trouble there is no reason to suppose that outside appetite for South African bonds will wane. Those looking for context would do better, say, to read the obituaries in the past week of Heidi Holland, an old friend and for many years a central figure in Joburg’s rambunctious journalist circle. She had no truck with the blinkered pessimism it is all too easy to succumb to when looking on from afar. Yet she was also no patsy for ANC guff or misrule – and there is far too much of both.
If they read this far, old friends in the ANC will be clicking their teeth. One of the lazier syndromes in the international media of recent years has been the way that every political, social or economic drama of the post-apartheid era, from the rise of the firebrand Julius Malema to the fluctuations of the rand, has been presented abroad as an existential crisis. So, the sort of conflict of interest that in, say, India or Brazil is seen as irksome but not disastrous, is in the South African context routinely depicted as a step on the road to Zimbabwe. How many reports in the British press of gruesome murders in Johannesburg have had “Cry the beloved country” in the headline?
Investors wondering what to make of the Lonmin tragedy should of course ignore the apocalyptic tone of some of the commentary. While the mining industry is indeed in trouble there is no reason to suppose that outside appetite for South African bonds will wane. Those looking for context would do better, say, to read the obituaries in the past week of Heidi Holland, an old friend and for many years a central figure in Joburg’s rambunctious journalist circle. She had no truck with the blinkered pessimism it is all too easy to succumb to when looking on from afar. Yet she was also no patsy for ANC guff or misrule – and there is far too much of both.
Heidi would have understood that while many of the problems in the mines and in South Africa as a whole are rooted in the past, there are clear lessons to draw from this crisis that, if heeded, would lead to a more stable environment for investors, mine owners and miners.
First, to return to a running theme in the pages of Paton and Malan, all vestiges of the single-sex hostels should be ended. Some mines have moved in this direction but many haven’t. This will be expensive but it will be a vital conciliatory move. In return, the ANC has to accept that mining is not nearly as profitable as it used to be. Output volumes are flat, costs are rising and margins squeezed. If the proposed higher salaries were instituted, many more jobs would be lost.
So, the government must move to stop the crisis spreading and the planned inquiry must be swift and trenchant, not least to wrong-foot the radicals. The workers have reason to be angry: the ANC’s record in transforming public services is parlous. If the unrest spreads to other mining sectors, investor confidence would plunge.
To expect strong leadership from Jacob Zuma ahead of December’s party leadership contest is optimistic. His ANC and indeed its old ally, the main mining union, such a radical force in Malan’s pages, have become complacent in power. This should be a wake-up call for the stalwarts in the ANC to speak out at the cronyism and drift. I suspect they won’t and anticipate more apocalyptic headlines in the months ahead. But it is the spirit of Heidi that should guide our judgment.
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UPDATE ON THAT COURT CASE:
Report warns of more tragedies like Marikana
In a report published on the eve of the August 16 shootings, the Bench Marks Foundation highlighted the social and environmental ills caused by the mining industry in the North-West platinum belt. It identified the shortcomings of five companies besides Lonmin, the immediate cause of the upheavals.
John Capel, executive director of the foundation, said the blame for the Marikana massacre should be shared by the other companies listed in the report – Anglo Platinum, Impala Platinum, Xstrata, Aquarius and Royal Bafokeng Platinum.
“Lonmin is not the worst, all these companies are bad. They have all contributed to huge resentment in local communities and made false promises that lag far behind what they practise,” he told the Mail & Guardian.
While most mineworkers lived in “appalling conditions” in informal settlements around the mines, discontent was being fuelled by perceptions that the companies were making huge profits and serving the interests of shareholders rather than the communities, the report said.
Though the companies produced glossy annual sustainability reports highlighting their achievements, they “have failed on the whole to meet the principles for global corporate responsibility”, wrote foundation chairperson Reverend Jo Seoka. The foundation was set up by faith-based groups and launched by Archbishop Desmond Tutu in 2001.
According to the report, the corporate social responsibility programmes in the platinum belt are “top-down, designed by experts and imposed on communities. There is very little evidence that communities are actually consulted about their needs, or about their frustrations concerning the impact of mining operations on their lives.”
David van Wyk, the lead researcher from the Centre for Corporate Social Responsibility at North-West University, said at the launch of the report “political pollution” caused by politicians and their families holding positions on the boards of mining companies may account for the unwillingness of companies and the government to address the problems.
Political patronage
This perception applied in particular to Aquarius, which had concluded a BEE deal with Zwelake Sisulu, Zenani Mandela-Dlamini and the Malibongwe Women’s Development Agency, a project of the ANC Women’s League.
“It is very difficult not to conclude that the objectives of this empowerment project are political patronage. Having senior politicians or civil servants and/or their family members on the boards of mining companies or as BEE partners and shareholders is extremely problematic and undermining of democracy,” the report said.
Aquarius was taken to task for employing migrant labourers who cause tensions among local communities. It also relied heavily on sub-contracting, employing 9 434 workers as subcontracted labour out of a total of 11 072 employees, the report said.
All the companies were criticised for providing workers with a living-out allowance that is insufficient to pay for proper formal accommodation and means they have to rent shacks in the mushrooming informal settlements around the mines.
Anglo Platinum was planning to build employee accommodation, but it was part of a “home ownership scheme. This means that the houses are being sold to employees and that Anglo Platinum will merely assist employees with bank guarantees for home loans.”
Anglo was also criticised for exceeding permitted air pollution levels and the harmful impacts of its operations on water resources. “The corporation reports only a 63% compliance with 688 conditions requiring legal compliance,” the report said.
The main issues concerning Impala Platinum included high levels of fatalities at its operations, extensive use of sub-contracted labour and damaging environmental impacts. Lack of employment opportunities given to local youth was also creating tensions.
Xstrata was criticised for its reliance on contract workers, which had resulted in a squatter camp mushrooming on a swampy piece of land next to its operations and causing tensions with Tlhabane residents. “The Bojanala District has seen frequent outbreaks of xenophobic attacks over the years,” said the report.
No local jobs
It accused Royal Bafokeng Platinum of creating tensions around the ownership of land and mineral resources in the area, while failing to provide local jobs and development opportunities for local SMMEs.
Asked for comment, Implats said it was still studying the report and Royal Bafokeng said it would not comment. Aquarius did not respond.
Anglo Platinum said its emission levels were within legal limits and it planned to build 20 000 houses in the area by the end of 2017. It had responded directly to the specifics raised by Bench Marks, but this “response in no way endorses the authenticity of the research methodology and/or findings.
Xstrata’s executive manager, Songeza Zibi, also criticised the “generalisations” and a lack of consultation in the research. The company was sometimes forced to use outside specialists and was guided by the integrated development planning of local municipalities.
“Generally what the municipality says are the expectations of communities may not be what the communities want, but this is what we have to deal with,” he said.
Previously, the M&G reported on a leaked report from 2006, which said there was a disjuncture between what Lonmin says it is doing in communities and what is experienced by people in Marikana.
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